The Israeli Mossad Assassinated JFK
by Mark Dankof
The American news media, for all the usual and most obvious reasons, has systematically ignored the most explosive news story in years, made all the more relevant by the countdown to further conflict in the Middle East as credible rumors continue to surface that Israel and the United States are planning an act of preemptive war against Iran in coming months.
The story, which appeared in the Express Newspapers of India on Monday, July 26th, quotes Israeli nuclear whistleblower Mordecai Vanunu as crediting the Israeli Mossad with the assassination of President Kennedy. Even more incredibly, Vanunu states specifically that the motive for the assassination of Kennedy on the part of the Israeli government was related to the American President’s insistence that the Zionist State come clean about its nuclear program at the infamous Dimona plant in the Negev desert.
Vanunu was released by the Israeli authorities in April after 18 years imprisonment for a treason conviction related to the disclosure of state secrets regarding the Israelis’ nuclear program. His sensational public charge about the involvement of the Mossad in the Kennedy murder might simply be relegated to the realm of the utterances of a disgruntled or imbalanced man, except for one additional item.
Michael Collins Piper, the author of Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy, has made a previous case for Israel’s direct involvement in the Dealey Plaza murder of John Kennedy on November 22, 1963 that is both plausible and compelling. The Vanunu account simply underscores and corroborates the case Piper made originally over a decade ago. The converging accounts of the two men are most disturbing.
Piper tells the reader of Final Judgment that 1963 proved to be a pivotal year in a publicly unreported conflict between America’s 35th President and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, principally over Israel’s failure to submit its Dimona operation to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspection, and secondarily to a negotiated settlement with the Palestinians. He subsequently proceeds to discuss the principle alleged players in the assassination plot itself in a way which corroborates the research of such respected Kennedy assassination scholars as the UK’s Anthony Summers and University of Texas professor Jim Marrs. Readers of the work of Summers and Marrs will be intimately familiar with names like Sam Giancana, Johnny Roselli, Carlos Marcello, Guy Banister, William Harvey, William Sullivan, George de Mohrenschildt, James Jesus Angleton, Richard Helms, Alpha 66, and Santos Trafficante. Typically, the demonstrated links of these individuals with organized crime syndicates, the anti-Castro Cuban exilic community of the early 1960s, and an element of the Central Intelligence Agency involved with the first two groups, has resulted in past tentative conclusions that the crux of the plot that took Mr. Kennedy’s life involved a convergence of interest of these three (3) key constituencies involved in a sordid triumvirate deliberately concealed from the American public 40 years ago by the Warren Commission.
Piper does not discredit this conclusion reached by his predecessors in their research of the circumstances that led specific individuals to participate in a plot to kill the President. He simply demonstrates what has been hidden from view before now: that those fingered by the meticulous academic research of Summers, Marrs, and others, have even deeper demonstrable associations with the Israeli lobby and Israeli intelligence.
Final Judgment’s case in this regard is principally built on the key significance of Meyer Lansky as the real power player in American organized crime in the 1950s and 1960s, the superior of Giancana, Roselli, Marcello, Mickey Cohen, Mickey Weiner, Moe Dalitz, Frank Costello, and others previously mentioned as participants in the Kennedy conspiracy. In turn, Lansky’s role as a committed Zionist and fund-raiser for the State of Israel involved direct, palpable links between his criminal empire, his Miami-based banks, and the Banque de Credit International (BCI) in Geneva, Switzerland. This latter entity served as the European-based money laundering center for Mr. Lansky’s global activities. BCI in turn, was headed up by an Israeli banker, Tibor Rosenbaum, former Director for Finances and Supply for the Israeli Mossad. Piper then demonstrates that BCI was a chief share holder in a Rome-based corporation called CMC/Permindex, whose chairman of the board was none other than Louis M. Bloomfield of Montreal, Canada, a major fund-raiser for Israel and known asset for Israeli intelligence. CMC/Permindex, in turn, proves to be a major point of intersection which brings the shadowy Bloomfield into direct or indirect contact with Clay Shaw (the chief target of the Jim Garrison JFK investigation in New Orleans), Guy Banister, James Jesus Angleton, FBI Division 5 chief William Sullivan (who spearheaded the FBI investigation for the Warren Commission and served as FBI liaison and friend of Angleton), ex-Cuban President Carlos Prio Socarras (provable gun-running business partner of Oswald assassin Jack Ruby), Ernest Israel Japhet (chairman and president of Israeli Bank Leumi), Shaul Eisenberg (a key figure in Israel’s nuclear bomb development and participant with Rosenbaum in the Swiss-Israel Trade Bank), elements of the French nationalist Secret Army Organization (OAS), CIA agent Theodore Shackley (the CIA’s chief of station in Miami during the CIA-Lansky assassination plots against Fidel Castro), and Abe Feinberg, New York Jewish businessman used by Ben Gurion as the liaison for secret meetings with President Kennedy to resolve the dispute of the latter two over Dimona. It is thus the BCI and CMC/Permindex players and links which Piper employs to show that the players, alliances, and assets were firmly in place to bring those with motive, means, and opportunity together in a plot which culminated in Dallas.
Secondarily, Piper buttresses his case by showing the results for Israel subsequent to the tragedy in Dallas in November of 1963. The removal of Kennedy brought an end to American demands for IAEA inspections of the Israeli nuclear program, and the ascension to the White House of Lyndon Johnson, whose long ties to Meyer Lansky and Carlos Marcello had assisted the barefoot boy of the Texas Hill Country in his arrival at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. More significantly, Johnson’s arrival in the Oval Office represented a sea change in American Middle Eastern policy, establishing for Piper the Israel-First direction of every American Chief Executive from LBJ onward, to the detriment of the independence of the American government from the undue influence of the Israeli lobby, the maintenance of regional peace and stability in the most dangerous area of the globe, and any vestiges of hope for positive American political relationships with the Islamic world.
The Vanunu-Piper allegations about Israel will not go away. The revelations of direct Israeli connections to key members of the Neo-Conservative foreign policy team of George W. Bush most desirous of conflict with Iraq; the virtual ownership of the United States Congress by the American-Israeli Political Action Committee (AIPAC); and the sycophancy of John Kerry toward these same interests, will culminate in a political boiling point in the United States if an expanded American involvement in a Middle Eastern war, the re-institution of an American Draft, and further instances of Middle East-related terrorism in the American homeland end up being connected by the public to the interests of Israel and Zionism and not those of the United States. Further exposure and corroboration of the Vanunu-Piper charges that the Israeli government was the driving force behind the death of John F. Kennedy–in conjunction with further exposure of Tel Aviv’s ongoing manipulation of the American government and media in issues of War and Empire–will commence a mass revolt against the policy elites that neither Tel Aviv nor Washington will be able to contain or control.
Between now and the first Tuesday in November, the policy elites will do their best to conceal fair disclosure and debate over who controls the present process and benefits by it. Suppression of information will be their modus operandi. Bush, Kerry, and their respective pals in Corporate America and Big Media will do their best to obfuscate the truth, ignore the discussion of the core issues of War and Peace, and hide the real identity of their financiers and handlers through such information suppression. Suppressing any serious examination or dissemination of the Vanunu-Piper case against Israel is already a done deal. It is a real shame. Pity us, the “free” American Republic, that no one will ask our two Presidential aspirants some pressing questions in the days ahead, including what they think of the following Presidential document from 41 years ago.
July 5, 1963
Dear Mr. Prime Minister (Levi Eshkol of Israel):
It gives me great personal pleasure to extend congratulations as you assume your responsibilities as Prime Minister of Israel. You have our friendship and best wishes in your new tasks. It is on one of these that I am writing you at this time.
You are aware, I am sure, of the exchange which I had with Prime Minister Ben-Gurion concerning American visits [i.e.: inspections] to Israel’s nuclear facility at Dimona. Most recently, the Prime Minister wrote to me on May 27th. His words reflected a most intense personal consideration of a problem that I know is not easy for your Government, as it is not for mine. We welcomed the former Prime Minister’s strong reaffirmation that Dimona will be devoted exclusively to peaceful purposes and the reaffirmation also of Israel’s willingness to permit periodic visits [inspections] to Dimona.
I regret having to add to your burdens so soon after your assumption of office, but I feel the crucial importance of this problem necessitates my taking up with you at this early date certain further considerations, arising out of Mr. Ben-Gurion’s May 27th letter, as to the nature and scheduling of such visits.
I am sure you will agree that these visits should be nearly as possible in accord with international standards, thereby resolving all doubts as to the peaceful intent of the Dimona project. As I wrote Mr. Ben-Gurion, this Government’s commitment to and support of Israel could be seriously jeopardized if it should be thought that we were unable to obtain reliable information on a subject as vital to the peace as the question of Israel’s effort in the nuclear field.
Therefore, I asked our scientists to review the alternative schedules of visits we and you had proposed. If Israel’s purposes are to be clear beyond reasonable doubt, I believe that the schedule which would best serve our common purposes would be a visit early this summer, another visit in June 1964, and thereafter at intervals of six months. I am sure that such a schedule should not cause you any more difficulty than that which Mr. Ben-Gurion proposed in his May 27th letter. It would be essential, and I understand that Mr. Ben-Gurion’s letter was in accord with this, that our scientists have access to all areas of the Dimona site and to any related part of the complex, such as fuel fabrication facilities or plutonium separation plant, and that sufficient time be allotted for a thorough examination.
Knowing that you fully appreciate the truly vital significance of this matter to the future well-being of Israel, to the United States, and internationally, I am sure our carefully considered request will have your most sympathetic attention.
John F. Kennedy